J / JAPANESE  EMIGRATION 

TO  CHINA 

BY 

XA  CHEN,  A.  M., 

Sometime  Fellow  of  Columbia  University 


Published  by  the  Chinese  Patriotic  Committee 


of  New  York  City 


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JAPANESE  EMIGRATION 
TO  CHINA 

BY 

TA  CHEN,  A.  M.， 

Sometime  Fellow  of  Columbia  University 


Published  by  the  Chinese  Patriotic  Committee 
of  New  York  City 


Baron  Shimpei  Goto  in  his  secret  document  on  ‘General  Policies  of 
Japanese  Emigration”  outlines  his  policy  of  the  “Peacefully  Disguised 
Military  Preparedness”  and  intends  to  make  Manchuria  a military  colony 
of  the  Japanese  Empire. 


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This  map  is  taken  from  one  of  the  confidential  reports  of  the  Japanese 
General  Staff.  This  portion  shows  parts  of  Manchuria,  the  Gulf  of  Liao 
Tung  and  East  Inner  Mongolia.  Experts  of  military  tactics  have  sur- 
veyed these  regions  thoroughly.  Their  southern  route  is  indicated  by  a 

dotted  line  ( ),  and  their  central  route  by  a solid  line  -). 

Thirty -seven  towns  and  villages  in  Manchuria  and  East  Inner  Mongolia 
now  have  resident  Japanese  military  officers  and  reserve  soldiers. 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2017  with  funding  from 
Columbia  University  Libraries 


https://archive.org/details/japaneseemigratiOOchen 


% 


CONTENTS 

I  Japan’s  Emigration  Policies  for  Manchuria  and  Mon- 
golia. 

1)  Baron  Goto’s  policy  of  the  “Peacefully  Disguised 

Military  Preparedness.” 

a)  Definition. 

b)  Emigrants  and  their  equipment. 

c)  Harmony  in  colonial  administration  in  Man- 

churia. 

2)  Plan  of  the  General  Staff. 

A)  A general  scheme. 

a)  To  extend  military  influence. 

b)  To  make  secret  agreements  with  Mon- 

golian and  Chinese  officials. 

c)  To  open  Japanese  schools， charitable  or- 

ganizations and  hospitals. 

d)  To  supply  arms  and  munitions. 

B)  Methods  of  Emigration. 

C)  Inducements  to  Japanese  emigrants. 

II  Japanese  emigrants  and  their  economic  activities. 

1)  Population,  density  and  Japanese  emigrants  in  Man- 

churia. 

2)  Economic  clash. 

3)  Social  undesirability  of  Japanese  in  Manchuria. 

4)  Japanese  emigration  an  economic  failure. 

5)  Sino- Japanese  joint  enterprises. 

6)  Japanese  monopoly  of  agriculture. 

7)  Japanese  railways  of  political  and  military  impor- 

tance. 

8)  Japanese  emigration  to  Shantung. 

a)  Economic  competition. 

b)  Strategical  location  of  Tsingtao. 

9)  Japanese  emigration  to  Fukien. 

III  Demoralizing  Influence  of  Japanese  in  China. 

1)  Opium  and  morphine  smuggling. 

2)  The  Opium  Scandal  in  Port  Arthur. 

3)  Comments  by  the  Ryoto  Shimpo. 

4)  America’s  part  in  the  anti-opium  movement. 

5)  Opium  affects  Americans. 

IV  Lack  of  Justification. 

1)  Agricultural  situation  in  China. 

2)  Manchuria  and  Mongolia  as  outlets  for  Chinese  emi- 

grants. 


6 


V  Rejection  of  Fundamental  Remedies. 

1)  Economic  futility  of  emigration. 

2)  Birth  control  to  check  over-population. 

3)  Industrialization  to  solve  Japan’s  population  prob- 

_ lem. 

VI  New  Tendencies  of  Japanese  Emigration. 

1)  Japanese  emigrants  in  various  countries. 

2)  South  America  a new  outlet. 

3)  Okuma  on  South  America. 

4)  Japan’s  emigration  to  Peru  and  Chile. 

5)  Japan’s  emigration  to  Brazil. 

VII  Economic  Imperialism. 

1)  Japan’s  recent  acquisitions. 

一 2)  Emancipation  of  Asia. 

VIII  Conclusions. 


THE  ISSUE 

Japan  has  repeatedly  contended  that  her  policy  of  com- 
mercial and  industrial  expansion  is  based  on  an  economic 
necessity,  as  she  must  find  outlets  for  her  surplus  population. 
This  short  essay  will  refute  her  argument  by  showing: 

(1)  That  Japan’s  emigration  policies  for  Manchuria  and 
Mongolia  are  dominated  by  military,  political  and  territorial 
considerations.  Japanese  official  documents,  confidential  re- 
ports and  other  authoritative  declarations  and  statements  are 
freely  used  in  order  to  get  evidence  “out  of  their  own  mouths.” 
Such  evidence  is  introduced  into  the  English  language  for 
the  first  time. 

(2)  That  economic  activities  of  Japanese  immigrants 
in  China  are  usually  interwoven  with  politics  to  disturb  peace 
and  order.  In  purely  commercial  and  industrial  undertak- 
ings, many  Japanese  have  not  had  great  economic  successes 
as  they  have  emigrated  to  places  of  higher  density  and  lower 
plane  of  living. 

(3)  That  immoral  acts  of  Japanese  in  China  are  calculated 
to  demoralize  and  to  denationalize  the  Chinese  people. 

I Japan’s  Emigration  Policies  for  Manchuria  and  Mongolia. 

1)  Baron  Goto’s  policy  of  the  “Peacefully  Disguised  Mili- 
tary Preparedness.” 

Baron  Shimpei  Goto,  for  many  years  Civil  Governor  of  Tai- 
wan and  the  most  experienced  colonial  administrator  of  Japan, 
has  laid  the  cornerstone  of  her  emigration  policies  for  the 
Far  East  in  general  and  for  China  in  particular.  On  ac- 
cepting the  position  as  the  first  Director  General  of  the  South 
Manchuria  Railway  Administration,  the  Baron  outlines  his 
emigration  policy  known  as  the  ‘‘Peacefully  Disguised  Mili- 
tary Preparedness”  in  a series  of  correspondence  with  Prince 
Yamagata,  Saionji,  (Prime  Minister)  Hayashi  (Foreign  Min- 
ister) Sakuma,  (Governor  of  Taiwan)  and  Oshima  (Governor 
General  of  Kwantung,  Manchuria).  This  series  is  printed  in 
a booklet  for  confidential  circulation,  and  the  printing  “is  only 


to  save  the  trouble  of  copying •”  Pages  55-56  of  this  booklet 
are  reproduced  in  a photograph  on  the  front  page  of  this 
pamphlet. 

The  booklet  is  entitled  “General  Policies  of  Japan’s  Emi- 
gration” and  portions  of  the  Baron’s  address  at  the  Saiwai 
Club,  an  organization  of  the  House  of  Peers,  on  June  5,  1914, 
are  hereafter  translated : 

(a)  The  Peacefully  Disguised  Military  Preparedness. 

“Prime  Minister  Saionji  and  other  important  officials  of 

our  government  have  approved  my  emigration  policy  to  Man- 
churia, known  as  the  ‘Peacefully  Disguised  Military  Pre- 
paredness/ This  policy  advocates  preparations  for  war  in 
time  of  peace,  so  that  when  emergency  rises  military  activi- 
ties may  at  once  be  ready.  Such  a scheme  is  very  convenient 
for  military  operations.  I will  now  give  some  examples. 
When  we  open  hospitals  in  Manchuria,  it  should  be  planned 
that  every  one  of  them  may  be  used  as  a military  hospital. 
(On  page  121  of  his  booklet,  the  Baron  explains  this  by  saying 
that  there  should  be  large  porches  to  every  hospital,  so  that 
a large  number  of  beds  for  wounded  soldiers  may  be  placed 
on  each  porch.  Today  all  Japanese  hospitals  in  South  Man- 
churia have  extremely  large  porches.)  Take  another  ex- 
ample. Railway  employees  in  Manchuria  should  also  be  mili- 
tary officers.  They  should  take  orders  from  their  superior 
officers  to  see  to  it  that  the  internal  organization  of  the  rail- 
way administration  is  amply  prepared  for  military  emer- 
gencies. In  fact,  military  preparedness  is  necessary  in  all 
parts  of  Manchuria  and  at  all  times.  A third  example  refers 
to  the  ports  in  South  Manchuria.  The  employees  of  the  Bu- 
reau of  Ports  should  be  navy  men,  so  that  they  can  be  of  serv- 
ice in  naval  conflicts.”1 

“This  policy  has  been  approved  by  our  government,”  says 
the  Baron,  and  it  may  be  added  that  it  is  strictly  enforced 
and  enlarged  to  the  present  day.  The  only  important  change 
is  that  the  Director  General  of  the  South  Manchuria  Railway 
Administration  is  not  a military  officer  as  the  Baron  first  sug- 
gested. This  change  is  made  in  order  to  avoid  suspicion  from 
other  trading  nations  in  the  territory. 

(b)  Emigrants  and  their  Equipment. 

“Permanent  victory  in  Manchuria,”  declares  Baron  Goto, 
“largely  depends  upon  an  increase  in  population  in  Japanese 


General  Policies  of  Japanese  Emigration  p.  55  ff. 


9 


colonies.  German  inhabitants  in  Alsace-Lorraine  played  no 
small  part  in  winning  for  Germany  the  Franco-Prussian  War 
in  1870.  If  Japan  has  500,000  emigrants  in  Manchuria,  and 
several  millions  of  horses， mules,  and  other  domestic  animals, 
they  would  be  of  great  use  in  case  of  war.  If  in  such  a war， 
opportunities  are  favorable  to  Japan,  they  can  be  armed  at 
once  to  attack  our  enemy.  If  opportunities  are  unfavorable， 
they  can  also  be  used  to  maintain  strongholds  for  negotiating 
peace.  The  'Peacefully  Disguised  Military  Preparedness’  thus 
forms  my  main  policy  in  colonizing  Manchuria  and  Korea. 
In  brief,  this  emigration  policy  is  ‘to  practice  the  doctrine  of 
Par  in  the  name  of  Wong.’  ”2 

(The  Baron  is  using  a maxim  of  Chinese  political  philoso- 
phy. The  doctrine  of  Wong  stresses  virtue,  culture,  and  be- 
nevolence, while  that  of  Par,  force  and  conquest.  For  ex- 
ample, the  enlightened  Emperors  of  the  Chow  Dynasty  were 
said  to  have  practiced  the  imperial  ways  of  Wong,  whereas 
its  usurping  vassals  that  of  Par.  Baron  Goto  insists  that  in 
the  name  of  virtue  and  culture,  Japan  should  plan  military 
conquests  in  China.) 

(c)  Harmony  in  Colonial  Administration  in  Manchuria. 

The  Baron  foresees  possible  conflict  and  friction  between 
civil  and  military  officers  in  Manchuria,  and  suggests  methods, 
of  “mediation  and  conciliation.”  “Regarding  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  army  and  plans  of  mobilization,  there  are  definite 
rules  and  regulations  which  must  be  strictly  observed  and  en- 
forced by  the  South  Manchuria  Railway  Administration.  To 
avoid  misunderstanding  and  facilitate  co-operation,  the  head 
of  the  Japanese  government  and  the  Director  General  of 
the  administration  should  have  a thorough  understanding  of 
the  Peacefully  Disguised  Military  Preparedness.  They  should 
be  unanimous  in  their  opinions  and  definite  in  their  policies  in 
order  to  assure  a successful  emigration  to  Manchuria.”3 

2)  Plan  of  the  General  Staff. 

A)  A general  scheme. 

(a)  To  extend  military  influence. 

Recently,  the  General  Staff  of  Japan  has  published  a ^Spe- 
cial Number”  for  confidential  circulation  outlining  its  emi- 
gration policies  in  Manchuria  and  Mongolia.  Important  pas- 
sages are  translated  as  follows: 

2 General  Policies  of  Japanese  Emigration  p.  65  ff. 

3 General  Policies  of  Japanese  Emigration  p.  108  ff. 


10 


“In  North  Mongolia  Russia’s  military  influences  is  pre-domi- 
nant. The  rapid  increase  in  population  in  Japanese  settle- 
ments near  Cheng  Chia  Tun  is  also  due  to  the  Japanese  mili- 
tary power  in  the  territory.  It  must  be  clearly  understood 
that  Japan’s  policy  in  dealing  with  Mongolia  and  China  must 
be  different  from  that  with  western  nations.  Since  Tao-Nan, 
Kero,  Lingsi,  Chi-Fun  and  other  towns  are  important  for  Jap- 
anese emigrants,  Japan  must  at  the  earliest  possible  moment 
dispatch  troops  in  the  name  of  protecting  Japanese  consulates 
and  its  branches. 

“Besides,  Japan  may  rely  upon  a noteworthy  precedent  for 
her  military  occupation,  namely,  the  murder  of  German  mis- 
sionaries in  Kiaochow  was  seized  by  Germany  as  a pretext 
for  the  lease  of  Kiaochow.  Recently,  the  killing  of  Japanese 
guards  by  bandits  at  Cheng  Chia  Tun  is  an  excellent  oppor- 
tunity for  stationing  additional  troops  there. 

“As  Chinese  troops  and  police  are  not  sufficient  to  pro- 
tect the  community  from  attacks  by  horse  bandits,  Japan  may 
increase  the  numerical  strength  of  the  South  Manchurian 
guards  and  send  them  to  new  places  of  Japanese  emigrants.”4 

At  another  place,  the  General  Staff  deems  it  necessary  to 
have  resident  military  officers  at  Lingsi,  and  Chi-Fun  in  order 
to  ‘‘demonstrate  Japan’s  national  power  to  foreigners,  Mon- 
golians and  Chinese,”  so  as  “to  undermine  their  influence  on 
the  one  hand  and  to  build  up  Japanese  influence  on  the  other •” 

(b)  To  make  secret  agreements  with  Mongolian  and  Chi- 
nese officials. 

“As  Chinese  officials  and  Mongolian  royalty  are  having 
financial  difficulties,  Japan  should  enter  secret  agreements 
and  form  an  intimate  relationship  with  them  in  order  to  pro- 
vide them  with  money  for  the  development  of  commerce  and 
industry. 

(c)  To  open  Japanese  schools,  charitable  organizations  and 
hospitals. 

“These  are  necessary  in  order  that  the  natives  may  be  as- 
similated to  Japanese  culture  gradually  and  unconsciously. 

(d)  To  supply  arms  and  munitions. 

‘‘Japan  should  decorate  old  rifles,  guns  and  machine  guns 
and  sell  them  to  Mongolians  at  reduced  rates.  This  will 
strengthen  her  political  influence  there.  Before  the  war  Ger- 


Pp.  5-6. 


11 


many  used  to  supply  Mongolia  with  guns  manufactured  in 
1888.  This  cunning  policy  should  be  adopted  by  Japan.，，5 

B)  Methods  of  Emigration. 

Following  general  principles  laid  down  by  the  General 
Staff,  there  is  a certain  definite  procedure  of  Japanese  emigra- 
tion to  Mongolia. 

(a)  ‘‘Let  reserve  soldiers  be  first  dispatched  to  such  places 
as  Kero,  Tao-Nan,  Lingsi,  Chi-Fun  and  neighboring  communi- 
ties as  emigrants,  to  be  engaged  in  agriculture,  pasturage,  or 
industries.  If  they  are  attacked  by  horse  bandits,  they  can 
defend  themselves. 

(b)  “In  the  name  of  protecting  these  emigrants,  Japanese 
consulates  should  place  reserve  soldiers  in  strategical  points. 

(c)  “Chinese  officials  should  be  required  to  bear  responsi- 
bility of  protecting  these  emigrants.  In  case  of  murder  or 
other  important  damages  incurred  to  the  Japanese,  indemnity 
should  be  exacted  from  the  Chinese.’’15 

C)  Inducements  to  Japanese  Emigrants. 

To  induce  home  seekers  to  Manchuria  and  Eastern  Mon- 
golia, the  Japanese  Government  gives  them  special  privileges, 
which  are  far  more  liberal  than  those  given  by  emigration 
companies  to  Slavic  emigrants  to  the  United  States,  or  con- 
tracted Chinese  laborers  to  the  Transvaal  in  the  Unionist  Ad- 
ministration of  England.  The  Japanese  Government  does  it 
at  a great  financial  sacrifice  in  order  to  gain  political  influence 
in  Eastern  Mongolia. 

(a)  “The  Japanese  Government  will  loan  money  to  farmers 
at  a low  rate  of  interest,  give  them  lands,  and  special  rates 
for  transportation  and  lodging.  In  cases  of  necessity,  the 
government  will  loan  them  farming  implements,  domestic  ani- 
mals and  arms  for  self-protection. 

(b)  “Regarding  commercial  and  industrial  enterprises 
which  concern  national  welfare  or  relate  to  international  com- 
petition, loans  will  be  made  on  applications  at  a low  rate  of 
interest.  Without  doubt,  other  government  assistance  will 
be  given  in  order  to  assure  commercial  success  of  emigrants  at 
an  earliest  possible  moment. 

(c)  “Koreans  have  low  plane  of  living  and  low  wages. 
Their  experience  and  efficiency  in  rice  growing  almost  equals 
to  that  of  Chinese  farmers.  The  Japanese  Government  should 

5 Pp.  17-18. 

8P.  19. 


12 


induce  Koreans  to  emigrate  to  Eastern  Mongolia  in  order 
to  resist  Chinese  emigration  from  the  south  and  to  give  room 
for  Japanese  emigration  to  Korea.  Up  to  the  end  of  1914, 
Korean  emigrants  in  Mongolia  already  amounted  to  300,000 
and  their  number  is  rapidly  increasing.”7 

Furthermore,  Dr.  Henry  Chung,  a Korean  liberalist,  has 
declared  that  Japan  encourages  Koreans  to  emigrate  to  Man- 
churia and  Mongolia  in  order  that  “she  may  have  a claim 
on  these  regions  on  the  pretext  of  ‘protecting’  her  Korean  sub- 
jects and  station  her  soldiers  by  what  is  known  as  ‘Infiltration 
Tactics’.，，8 

But  the  sufferings  and  hardships  that  the  Korean  emi- 
grants have  undergone  in  this  compulsory  exodus  are  truly 
unbearable : 

“The  untold  afflictions  of  the  Korean  immigrants  coming 
into  Manchuria  will,  doubtless,  never  be  fully  realized,  even 
by  those  actually  witnessing  their  distress.  In  the  still  close- 
ness of  a forty  below  zero  climate  in  the  dead  of  winter,  the 
silent  stream  of  white  clad  figures  creeps  over  the  icy  moun- 
tain passes,  in  groups  of  ten,  twenties  and  fifties,  seeking  a 
new  world  of  subsistence,  willing  to  take  a chance  of  life  and 
death  in  a hand-to-hand  struggle  with  the  stubborn  soil  of 
Manchuria’s  wooded  and  stony  hillsides.  Here,  by  indefatig- 
able efforts,  they  seek  to  extract  a living  by  applying  the  grub 
ax  and  hand  hoe  to  the  barren  mountain  sides  above  the  Chi- 
nese fields,  planting  and  reaping  by  hand,  between  roots,  the 
sparse  yield  that  is  often  insufficient  to  sustain  life. 

“Many  have  died  from  insufficient  food.  Not  only  women 
and  children,  but  young  men  have  been  frozen  to  death.  Sick- 
ness also  claims  its  toll  under  these  new  conditions  of  ex- 
posure. Koreans  have  been  seen  standing  barefooted  on  the 
broken  ice  of  a riverside  fording  place,  rolling  up  their  baggy 
trousers  before  wading  through  the  broad  stream,  two  feet 
deep,  of  ice  cold  water,  then  standing  on  the  opposite  side 
while  they  hastily  adjust  their  clothing  and  shoes. 

“Women  with  insufficient  clothing  and  parts  of  their  bodies 
exposed,  carry  little  children  on  their  backs,  thus  creating 
mutual  warmth  in  a slight  degree,  but  it  is  in  this  way  that 
the  little  one’s  feet,  sticking  out  from  the  binding  basket,  get 
frozen  and  afterwards  fester  till  the  tiny  toes  stick  together. 


p 25. 

The  Case  of  Korea,  1921,  p.  115. 


13 


Old  men  and  women,  with  bent  backs  and  wrinkled  faces, 
walk  the  uncomplaining  miles  until  their  old  limbs  refuse  to 
carry  them  further. 

‘‘Thus  it  is  by  households  they  come,  old  and  young,  weak 
and  strong,  big  and  little . . . . 

“In  this  way  over  75,000  Koreans  have  entered  during  the 
past  year,  until  the  number  of  Koreans  now  living  in  both 
the  north  and  western  portions  of  Manchuria  now  totals  nearly 
half  a million.”9 10 

D)  A summary. 

Hidden  motives  of  Japanese  emigration  to  Manchuria  and 
Mongolia  are  thus  revealed  by  a review  of  Japanese  authori- 
ties. 

Japan  aims  at  making  Manchuria  a military  colony,  as 
she  is  employing  military  men  in  the  South  Manchurian  Rail- 
way Administration,  as  railway  guards,  and  navy  men  at  sea- 
ports. Special  privileges  are  given  to  emigrants  of  military 
training. 

Recently,  she  has  repeatedly  insisted  on  spreading  Jap- 
anese culture  in  her  colonies,  especially  in  Mongolia.  This  is 
to  be  done  by  three  main  methods:  to  extend  her  military 
power,  to  discredit  and  check  Chinese  influence  and  to  enter 
into  secret  agreements  with  Mongolian  nobility  for  the  sole 
benefits  of  the  Mikado. 

II.  Japanese  Emigrants  and  their  Economic  Activities. 

1)  Population,  density  and  Japanese  emigrants  in  Man- 
churia. Manchuria  has  an  area  of  92,000  square  miles  and 
20,122,000  people  of  which  19,639,700  are  Chinese  and  473,- 
500  foreigners.  In  other  words,  in  a territory  of  a little 
larger  than  the  State  of  Oregon  live  about  25  times  as  many 
inhabitants.  The  annual  rate  of  increase  of  population  in 
Mukden  province  is  3.5%,  in  Kirin,  8.8%  and  in  Hei  Lung 
Kiang,  4.5% ; whereas  the  annual  rate  of  increase  in  Japan 
Proper  is  only  1.50%  and  in  the  United  States,  1.90%. 

Obviously,  Manchuria  offers  no  great  inducements  to  Jap- 
anese emigrants.  In  fact,  the  Bank  of  Chosen,  under  Jap- 
anese management  and  control,  frankly  states  that  "Man- 
churia is  well  inhabited,  and  does  not  leave  much  room  for 
immigration. ,,10 

9 Report  to  the  Presbyterian  Board  of  Foreign  Missions. 

10  Economic  History  of  Manchuria,  1921,  pp.  130-131. 


14 


Yet,  the  Japanese  population  in  Manchuria  has  been  on  the 
increase  in  recent  years,  especially  since  the  European  war, 
as  the  following  table  will  show: 11 


Year  Japanese  in  Manchuria 

1910  62,627 

1911  19,087 

1912  38,357 

1913  87,494 

1914  95,352 

1915  95,352 

1916  102,759 

1917  104,834 

1918  112,474 

1919  122,367 

1920  156,079 


The  largest  drop  occurred  in  year  1911  which  was  due  to  a 
severe  bubonic  plague  in  Manchuria.  Since  that  year  the  in- 
crease in  numbers  has  been  steady  and  continuous.  In  addi- 
tion, it  must  be  added  about  40,000  Japanese  soldiers  in  va- 
rious parts  of  Manchuria. 

Regarding  the  question  of  density,  comparisons  are  made 
between  populousness  in  home  communities  of  Japanese  emi- 
grants and  in  their  new  homes  in  Manchuria.  In  Table  1, 
the  Japanese  Bureau  of  Colonization  shows  that  eleven  Jap- 
anese communities  send  their  sons  and  daughters  to  Man- 
churia to  the  number  of  500  persons  or  more  per  year.  Most 
of  them  go  to  the  Japenese  settlements  in  Dairen,  Port  Arthur 
and  neighboring  villages. 

Table  2 shows  the  number  of  Japanese  and  Chinese  in  sev- 
enteen Manchurian  towns  and  villages.  The  majority  of  the 
Japanese  have  come  from  some  of  the  Japanese  communities 
shown  in  Table  1. 

It  is  clearly  seen  that  with  the  exception  of  Tokio-fu  and 
Osaka-fu  which  have  densities  of  1,357  and  1,158  persons 
per  square  mile,  the  remaining  Japanese  have  emigrated  from 
places  of  relatively  lower  density  to  those  of  higher  density. 

The  Japanese  argument  that  her  emigration  to  China  is 
to  relieve  her  population  pressure  seems  to  have  broken  down 
completely. 

11  Statistical  Annual  of  the  Imperial  Cabinet  of  Japan. 


15 


Furthermore,  Table  3 shows  a Japanese  estimate  of  the 
rate  of  increase  in  density  in  Manchurian  and  Mongolian  com- 
munities up  to  1928.  This  rate  far  exceeds  the  acreage  of 
arable  land  that  may  be  opened  for  cultivation.  At  present, 
the  cultivated  lands  (in  mow)  14  in  districts  where  there  are 
considerable  number  of  Japanese  are  as  follows: 15 

Mukden  45,194,175 

Kirin  85,985,768 

Hei  Lung  Kiang 37,165,014 

Shantung  127,097,587 

Fukien  24,313,431 

Jehol  . 16,895,322 


TABLE  1 

DENSITY  OF  EMIGRANTS， HOME  COMMUNITIES  IN 

JAPAN  16 

per  year  Density  per  sq.  mile 

No.  of  emigrants 


Aichi 607  59.72 

Oita 777  65.00 

Ehime 591  108.45 

Hiroshima  1,395  115.75 

Kayoshima  730  105.08 

Kioto  621  118.00 

Kumamoto 861  78.95 

Nagasaki  1,488  98.70 

Okayama 530  100.00 

Osaka 1,262  1,158.00 

Tokio 1,557  1,375.00 


14  One  mow 二 1/6  acre. 

1o  The  Sixth  Annual  Report  of  the  Ministry  of  Agriculture  and  Com- 
merce, Peking. 

16  Bureau  of  Colonization,  Tokyo. 


16 


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18 


2)  Economic  Clash. 

The  great  influx  of  Japanese  into  Manchuria  has  intensi- 
fied the  struggle  for  existence  and  has  forced  many  Chinese  out 
of  various  occupations.  For  example,  the  Great  Guild  of  New- 
chwang,  Mukden  Province,  embodies  influential  banks  and 
commercial  enterprises  in  the  city,  and  controls  labor  and 
trade  for  decades.  In  recent  years,  Japanese  of  different 
professions  have  been  displacing  the  Chinese  at  a rapid  rate. 
Likewise,  the  Yalu  Lumber  Company  was  reorganized  into  a 
Sino-Japanese  joint  corporation  by  the  Yuan-Komura  secret 
agreement  of  1905.  The  dividends  of  the  company  decreased 
year  after  year,  and  the  Chinese  stockholders  were  forced  to 
sell  their  shares  to  the  Japanse  in  order  to  escape  an  impend- 
ing bankruptcy.  The  Japanese  in  the  company  manipulated 
the  company's  finances,  and  also  forced  the  Chinese  employees 
out  of  employment.  Economic  competition  in  Manchuria  ha^ 
resulted  in  the  displacement  of  one  people  by  another. 

3)  Social  undesirability  of  Japanese  in  Manchuria. 

The  Japanese  in  Manchuria  constitute  serious  social  prob 二 
lems  to  the  Chinese  people.  In  Chang  Chun,  only  the  Japanese 
employees  of  the  South  Manchuria  Railway,  the  Mitsui  Com- 
pany and  two  or  three  other  commercial  enterprises  have  regu^ 
lar  occupations.  The  remaining  Japanese  in  the  settlement 
are  engaged  in  businesses  of  questionable  character  and  make 
a total  profit  of  about  1,000,000  yen  per  year.12 

Among  the  156,079  Japanese  in  Manchuria  in  1920,  2,813 
had  no  occupations,  and  only  1,323  were  engaged  in  agricul- 
ture, pasturage,  forestry  or  fishery.13  It  is  thus  clear  that  the 
Japanese  in  constructive  industries  are  strikingly  few,  conse- 
qnently  they  do  not  materially  contribute  social  wealth  to 
Chinese  communities.  Among  those  who  have  no  occupations 
there  is  an  enormous  number  of  Ronin  who  frequently  create 
troubles  of  various  kinds  to  enable  Japan  to  extend  the  sphere 
of  Japanese  consular  jurisdiction  and  to  infringe  China’s  sov- 
ereignty. 

12  “Manchurian  and  Mongolian  Affairs,”  serial  No.  5,  p.  40,  Governor 
General’s  Office  of  Kwantung. 

13  See  table  4 on  p.  19. 


19 


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20 


When  Papuchapa,  a notorious  Mongolian  bandit,  has  re- 
cently assisted  Prince  Su  in  attempting  to  restore  the  Manchu 
Throne  in  China,  many  Japanese  in  Manchuria  secretly  helped 
him.  When  Okuma  was  at  the  height  of  his  political  activi- 
ties, the  Japanese  in  Manchuria  were  ordered  to  assist  horse 
bandits  by  supplying  them  with  food,  arms  and  munitions. 
The  Japanese  in  Manchuria  are  disturbers  of  law  and  peace, 
and  should  not  be  permitted  to  live  there  permanently. 

But  more  Japanese  are  coming,  and  China  must  be  prepared 
for  the  worst.  Basing  on  an  estimate  of  arable  land  in  Man- 
churia, the  Bureau  of  Colonization  has  recently  planned  to 
send  300,000  Japanese  emigrants  to  Mukden  Province,  3,- 
500,000  to  Kirin  and  6,000,000  to  Hei  Lung  Kiang. 

4)  Japanese  emigration  an  economic  failure. 

The  South  Manchuria  Railway  has  recently  made  a cost-of- 
living  survey  of  the  farmers  in  about  one  hundred  villages  in 
the  “railway  zone”  under  Japanese  consular  jurisdiction.  The 
study  covers  such  items  as  food,  clothing,  fuel,  education,  heat 
and  light  and  miscellaneous  expenses.  It  is  found  that  on  the 
average,  a small  farmer  in  Manchuria  spends  7.44  yen  for 
food  per  year  less  than  a farmer  of  the  same  class  in  Japan; 
and  a middle  class  farmer  in  Manchuria  spends  15.30  yen  less 
than  one  in  Japan.  This  relatively  lower  standard  of  living  in 
Manchuria  has  worked  hardship  on  the  Japanese  in  that  terri- 
tory and  has  given  rise  to  the  “pessimistic  view  of  Japanese 
agricultural  emigration  to  Manchuria.”19 

Besides,  the  Japanese  emigrants  to  Manchuria  have  really 
moved  from  a relatively  higher  wage  level  to  a lower  level,  as 
the  following  table  will  show : 


Occupations 

Dairen 

Japan 

(daily  wage  in  yen) 

(average  daily  wage  in  yen) 

Blacksmiths 

.33 

•91 

Bricklayers 

.30 

1.22 

Carpenters 

• 50 

•97 

Day  laborers 

•30 

.70 

Painters 

.40 

.85 

Stone  cutters 

•50 

1.11 

Tile  roofers 

•44 

.99 

Tailors 

.50 

•79-97 

The  Keizai  Ronso,  vol.  VIII,  No.  3,  427-433. 


21 


Even  giving  some  allowance  to  small  differences  in  living 
cost  in  these  two  regions,  the  Japanese  in  Manchurian  towns 
are  receiving  much  lower  wages  than  their  brethren  in  the 
same  occupations  in  the  Island  Empire. 

These  facts  again  tend  to  show  that  Japanese  immigrants 
in  Manchuria  are  not  improving  their  socio-economic  condi- 
tions in  any  material  way.  How  can  it  be  seriously  maintained 
that  Japan’s  policy  of  commercial  and  industrial  expansion 
by  means  of  a mass  emigration  can  relieve  economic  pressure 
at  home? 

In  spite  of  strenuous  efforts  of  the  Japanese  Government  to 
induce  her  nationals  to  make  homes  in  Manchuria  and  Mon- 
golia, the  experiment  is  a failure.  The  Oriental  Development 
Company,  with  a capital  of  10.000,000  yen  and  a government 
subsidy  of  500?000  yen  per  year,  is  one  of  the  largest  emigra- 
tion companies  for  Manchuria  and  Mongolia.  Yet  in  ten  years, 
namely,  from  1907  to  1916,  the  company  has  emigrated  only 
4,000  families.  “It  is  clearly  seen,”  comments  the  General 
Staff,  “that  the  argument  of  getting  an  outlet  for  our  surplus 
population  is  farcial.20 

5)  Sino - Japanese  joint  enterprises. 

In  Manchuria  and  Mongolia  there  are  29  Sino-Japanese 
joint  enterprises,  each  having  a capital  of  100,000  yen  or  more. 
Without  a single  exception,  the  Japanese  shareholders  in  the 
company  dominate  and  control  its  business.  The  reason  for 
this  state  of  affairs  must  be  explained  by  the  Japanese  them- 
selves. 

Commenting  on  the  large  number  of  Chinese  farmers  who 
are  cultivating  lands  near  Jehol  and  in  the  valleys  of  the 
Sungari,  the  General  Staff  advises  the  Japanese  to  penetrate 
into  the  territory  by  first  making  friends  with  the  Chinese. 
‘‘Sino-Japanese  joint  enterprise  must  be  encouraged.  Practi- 
cally the  Japanese  always  control  them,  but  it  is  necessary  to 
give  the  Chinese  the  name  of  their  participation  in  order  to  as- 
sure a great  success  in  agriculture.  In  Liao  Tung  peninsula 
and  in  Tsingtao,  many  cases  of  real  estate  are  jointly  managed 
by  Japanese  and  Chinese.  These  contracts  are  invariably  in 
favor  of  Japanese •” 

At  another  place,  the  General  Staff  advises  the  Japanese 
to  be  “tactful”  in  making  joint  contracts  with  the  Chinese, 
especially  after  the  pro-Japanese  leader  in  the  Chinese  cab- 


Affairs  in  Eastern  Mongolia,  p.  21. 


22 


inet  and  other  important  officials  have  been  denounced  by 
the  Chinese  as  traitors. 

“Indeed，”  continues  the  General  Staff,  “public  sentiment  is 
so  violently  against  Japan’s  aggressiveness  that  the  inhabitants 
of  Chi-Fun  and  Kero  of  small  means  do  not  dare  to  cooperate 
with  the  Japanese  in  business,  fearing  that  they  too  might  be 
called  traitors.  But  means  must  be  found  to  form  Sino-Japan- 
ese  emigration  bureaus.” 

6)  Japanese  monopoly  of  agriculture. 

Military  considerations  of  Japanese  emigration  have  been 
sketched ; her  economic  motives  will  now  be  scrutinized. 
Chief  agricultural  products  in  districts  which  Japanese  emi- 
grants are  trying  to  monopolize  are  shown  in  Table  5.  Be- 
fore long,  Chinese  farmers  in  Manchuria  and  Inner  Mongolia 
will  be  driven  out  of  employment  by  the  Japanese  competi- 
tors. On  this  point,  let  Japan  speak  for  herself : 


23 


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24 


“The  Sungari  and  the  Liao  Valleys  are  the  most  fertile  lands 
in  Manchuria.  Japanese  farmers  should  centre  around  these 
places.  Lands  in  Chang  Chun  and  Kirin  are  particularly  suited 
for  agriculture,  and  Japan  should  at  once  increase  her  popu- 
lation there.  The  upper  course  of  the  Liao  and  the  south 
bed  of  the  Silamolan,  namely  the  valley  within  the  jurisdiction 
of  Jehol,  is  colonized  by  Chinese  emigrants. 

“But  north  of  the  TJung  river,  lands  are  mostly  unculti- 
vated. The  farther  north  one  goes  the  more  uncultivated 
lands  he  finds.  Rich  and  natural  pastures  are  in  abundance. 
Here  should  be  the  centre  of  Japanese  emigrants.  They  should 
prevent  Chinese  and  Mongolians  from  coming  north.  Japan 
should  keep  this  most  fertile  region  for  herself  and  for  no 
others. 

“Other  sections  of  Jehol  are  now  cultivated  by  Chinese. 
The  Japanese  should  go  in  and  compete  with  them.  For  this 
purpose,  special  financial  institutions  must  be  created  to  faci- 
litate Japanese  agricultural  emigration.’’23 

7)  Japanese  railways  of  political  and  military  importance. 

Aside  from  the  South  Manchurian  railway,  the  Ssu  Ping 

Kai — Cheng  Chia  Tun  line  of  52  miles  traverses  valleys  of  high 
density  and  fertile  soil.  It  is  an  enormous  economic  success, 
as  well  as  a help  in  strengthening  Japanese  influence  in  South 
Manchuria. 

The  Tao  Nan  and  Cheng  Chia  Tun  line  of  140  miles  is  the 
first  step  of  building  up  Japanese  political  domination  in  Man- 
churia against  Russian  influence  in  North  Manchuria.  Fric- 
tion between  Japanese  and  Chinese  authorities  is  frequent, 
resulting  in  a material  infringement  of  China’s  sovereignty. 

The  Cheng  Chia  Tun  and  Kero  line  of  150  miles  serves  to 
transport  Mongolian  products  such  as  soya  beans  and  cereals 
to  Manchuria.  Japan  is  planning  to  extend  the  line  west- 
ward to  strengthen  her  military  control  in  Outer  Mongolia. 
Japanese  soldiers  are  stationed  under  the  pretext  of  preserv- 
ing peace  in  the  province.  Port  Arthur  and  Dairen  are  well 
fortified  and  heavily  mined. 

8)  Japanese  Emigration  to  Shantung. 

Shantung  is  far  more  crowded  than  Manchuria.  Not  quite 
as  large  as  Illinois,  Shantung  supports  about  six  times  as  many 
people.  In  other  words,  within  the  boundaries  of  55,980 
square  miles,  29,600,000  souls  are  swarming. 

23  Affairs  in  Eastern  Mongolia,  pp.  43-44. 


25 


The  density  of  the  province  is  528  persons  to  a square  mile, 
being  the  highest  in  all  China.  Most  Japanese  in  Shantung 
have  come  from  Kioto-fu  and  Nagasaki-ken  whose  densities 
are  118  and  98.7  per  square  mile  respectively.  Thus  the  Japa- 
nese have  moved  to  Shantung  where  the  struggle  for  existence 
is  appreciably  severer  than  in  their  home  towns;  yet  they  are 
telling  the  world  that  they  are  solving  their  surplus  popula- 
tion problem ! 

In  describing  a congested  section  in  Shantung,  Prof.  F.  H. 
King  says:  “One  square  mile  of  soil  is  supporting  3,072  per- 
sons, 256  cows,  256  donkeys  and  512  pigs.’’24  Is  the  province 
not  a human  beehive?  Has  it  room  for  Japanese  emigrants? 

The  influx  of  Japanese  into  the  peninsula  has  been  con- 
tinuous, especially  since  the  Japanese  occupancy  of  Tsingtao. 
In  recent  years  the  Japanese  population  in  Shantung  is  tabu- 
lated as  follows : 23 


1910  616 

1911  not  reported 

1912  683 

1913  749 

1914  967 

1915  967 

1916  2,335 

1917  4,880 

1918  24,160 

1919  - 28,704 

1920  29,988 


a)  Economic  Competition. 

Like  in  Manchuria,  the  Japanese  in  Shantung  have  grad- 
ually forced  the  Chinese  out  of  employment  from  various  oc- 
cupations. The  Shantung  strawbraid,  chiefly  exported  to  the 
United  States  for  hat  and  basket  making,  is  produced  in  north- 
ern Shantung,  especially  in  Yangshin,  Saho,  Changyi  and  Sai- 
chow.  The  trade  was  formerly  monopolized  by  the  Chinese 
in  Laichow  and  Tengchow.  Today,  the  splitting  of  the  straw 
the  plaiting  of  the  braid  is  rapidly  falling  into  the  hands  of 
the  Japanese  in  the  province.  During  the  Germany  occupancy 
of  Kiochow,  supervisors,  section  hands,  skilled  and  unskilled 
workers  in  mines,  railways,  machine  shops  and  companies 


24  Farmers  of  Forty  Centuries. 

25  Statistical  Annual  of  the  Imperial  Cabinet  of  Japan,  Tokio. 


26 


were  largely  recruited  from  the  native  population.  Today, 
the  Japanese  are  rapidly  filling  up  these  occupations. 

b)  Strategical  Location  of  Tsingtao. 

Japanese  are  attracted  to  Shantung  not  so  much  by  eco- 
nomic opportunities  as  by  strategical  position  of  the  peninsula 
and  Kiaochow  Bay.  Their  permanent  occupation  of  the  bay 
deprives  of  China  the  only  suitable  naval  base  in  the  Yellow 
Sea,  thus  leaving  China’s  coastal  trade  protectionless  and  na- 
tional safety  endangered. 

The  strategical  location  of  Tsingtao  may  be  roughly  com- 
pared with  that  of  New  York  Harbor.  If  Cuba,  in  the  future, 
should  become  a powerful  State  and  be  hostile  to  the  United 
States,  no  American  citizen  would  permit  Cuba  to  maintain 
a stronghold  in  the  harbor.  The  Japanese  occupancy  of  Tsing- 
tao is  indeed  a constant  menace  to  the  integrity  and  security 
of  the  Chinese  nation. 

The  port  of  New  York  is  a great  commercial  gateway,  con- 
necting New  England  ports  in  the  north  with  Atlantic  ports 
in  the  south,  and  draws  to  it  all  the  trade  from  great  neigh- 
boring towns.  Tsingtao  connects  Tientsin  in  the  north  with 
Shanghai  in  the  south  and  draws  to  it  95%  of  the  trade  in 
Shantung.  Why  should  a port  of  such  strategical  and  com- 
mercial importance  be  under  the  exclusive  control  of  a for- 
eign power,  especially  an  enemy  nation  as  Japan? 

9)  Japanese  Emigration  to  Fukien. 

Fukien  offers  little  inducements  to  Japanese  emigrants. 
Within  an  area  of  46,332  square  miles  live  13,100  people,  or 
with  an  area  of  about  the  State  of  Mississippi  seven  times  as 
many  inhabitants  are  herded  together.  The  struggle  for  life 
keeps  Japanese  emigrants  to  the  province  down  to  the  lowest 
possible  numbers.  From  1910  to  1920  the  Japanese  popula- 
tion in  Amoy  and  Foochow  is  as  follows: 


1910 

1911 

1912 

1913 

1914 

1915 

1916 

1917 


603 

2,009 

338 

436 

407 

403 

450 

546 


26  Due  to  a bubonic  plague  in  Manchuria  in  that  year,  many  Japanese 
came  to  Fukien. 


1918 

1919 

1920 


27 


614 

687 

753 


Daily  wage  and  board.  (1921) 
$0.52 - $0.87 

21-  .61 

09-  .26 


Industry  and  occupation 

Bricklayers,  men 

Candle  makers : 

Men 

Women 

Carpenters: 

Men 

Children 

Chair  coolies,  men.  

Common  laborers : 

Men 

Women 

Children  

Dyers,  men 

Engine  drivers,  marine,  men 
Farmers : 

Men 

Women 

Firecracker  makers : 

Men 

Women 

Children  


27  See  the  author’s  paper  in  the  Monthly  Labor  Review,  August,  1921，, 
p.  14-15. 


“Floating  population”  figures  prominently  in  the  Japanese 
communities,  as  the  province  is  separated  from  Formosa  only 
by  a narrow  strait.  Japanese  subjects  in  Formosa  come  to 
Amoy  to  be  temporarily  engaged  in  houses  of  ill-fame,  lottery 
tickets  and  opium  smuggling.  Whenever  they  are  in  danger 
of  being  arrested  by  Chinese  authorities,  they  sail  for  Formosa. 

Another  strong  reason  for  the  small  number  of  Japanese 
immigrants  in  the  province  is  the  unsatisfactory  social  condi- 
tions in  the  circuit  of  Amoy  and  its  vicinity.  Since  the  war, 
the  cost  of  living  in  China  has  materially  increased  in  many 
cities.  But  in  Amoy  the  increase  in  wages  since  1914  is  less 
than  30%,  and  thus  creates  maladjustments  among  working 
classes.  This  constitutes  a chief  drawback  to  Japanese  col- 
onizers. Daily  wages  of  some  occupations  in  Amoy  are  shown 
below: 


7 6 6 
.8 . 2 .2 

3- 9. 

4 0 


4 4 7 4 3 
. 4 . 3 .1 4 . 3 
1 

I I I I I 

6 7 0 7 7 
2 111  6 


2 5 0 5 6 
.5 . 3 .7 . 3 .2 

I . .11 

6 7 5 3 0 
2 1 3 1 1 


28 


Gardeners,  men 

Gold  and  silver  smiths,  men 

Machinists,  men 

Masons : 

Men 

Children  

Painters,  children 

Paper  lantern  makers,  men 

Policemen  (at  Kulangsu) 

Painters : 

Men 

Children 

Quarrymen  and  stonecutters : 

Men 

Children  

Sampan  (boatman) 

Shipbuilders,  men 

Shoemakers,  men 

Sock  and  towel  makers,  women . . . 
Tailors : 

Men 

Women  

Tea  packers,  men . • • • 

Tea  pickers : 

Men 

Women 

Children  


III.  Demoralizing  Influence  of  Japanese  in  China. 

1)  Opium  and  Morphine  Smuggling. 

Three  main  routes  of  opium  smuggling  from  Japan  to  China 
may  be  described.  Opium  enters  Manchuria  and  other  ad- 
joining territories  by  way  of  Dairen,  mainly  through  Japa- 
nese mails,  as  Chinese  officials  have  no  right  to  inspect  mail 
bags  in  Japanese  settlements.  In  central  China,  opium  is 
shipped  from  Kobe  to  Tsingtao,  and  there  it  is  distributed  in 
Shantung  province  and  the  Yangtse  valley.  In  1915  China 
was  forced  to  agree  that  Japanese  commodities  landed  in  the 
part  of  Tsingtao  on  “certificate  of  Government”  should  be 
free  from  examination  by  customs  officers.  Morphine  is  smug- 
gled into  South  China  by  means  of  motor  boats  from  Formosa. 
The  drug  is  retailed  through  the  southern  provinces  by  Japa- 
nese and  Chinese  peddlers,  each  of  whom  carrying  a passport 


3 7 4 7 5 5 4 5 25  14  7 4 5 1 4 5 7 7 0 7 
5 8 7 833 4^ 3 53  3 4 8 7 3 6 4 3 8 8 2 1 

♦ • • •♦ • ••  • • • • •••• • ••  • • • 

1 11 

I . I I I I 鑛 I ii  I I I I I . ■ I 祕 I t I 

0 4 1 16  6 7 0 46  2 6 4 13  7 6 7 4 4 3 0 

4 4 6 6 2 2 12  42  524 .6 .1 1 .2 . 1 .4 . 4 .1 . 1 


29 

certifying  that  he  is  a citizen  of  Formosa,  which  renders  the 
Chinese  officials  powerless  to  punish  him. 

Since  the  European  war,  the  amount  of  opium  illegally  im- 
ported to  all  Chinese  ports  has  averaged  about  thirty  tons  per 
year,  and  up  to  the  end  of  1920,  about  30,000,000  people  have 
been  affected  by  the  narcotic.  The  Japanese  Government 
levies  a tax  on  opium  at  the  rate  of  4,000  taels  per  chest.  Bas- 
ing on  an  estimate  of  5,000  chests  per  year,  the  Japanese  Gov- 
ernment derives  an  annual  revenue  of  not  less  than  $20,- 
000,000. 

2)  The  Opium  Scandal  in  Port  Arthur. 

A notorious  opium  scandal  involving  eleven  prominent  Jap- 
anese happened  in  Port  Arthur  in  July,  1921.  The  accused 
Japanese  included  Renzo  Koga,  formerly  chief  of  the  bureau 
of  colonization,  a district  attorney,  several  police  officers  and 
members  of  the  Kwantung  government.  The  case  was  tried 
in  the  preliminary  court  of  Port  Arthur  under  Justice  Hisa- 
matsu  Takahashi,  who  reported  it  to  the  District  Court  of 
Port  Arthur  covering  3,200  pages.  The  Japan  Times  and  Mail 
gives  the  following  summary : 

“A  Dairen  society  called  Kosai  Zendo， was  recognized  as 
a charity  institution,  whose  business  is  to  render  charity  and 
also  to  work  to  cut  out  the  practice  of  the  use  of  opium.  The 
directors  were  appointed  by  the  Kuantung  government  from 
the  names  recommended  by  the  civil  administrator  in  Dairen. 
The  society  was  then  empowered  to  import  and  distribute 
opium  to  retailers.  Persian  opium  was  sold  at  prices  permitted 
by  the  civil  administrator  of  Dairen  and  confiscated  opium  of 
another  make  was  sold  at  prices  determined  from  time  to  time 
by  the  civil  administrator.  Any  net  proceeds  after  all  ex- 
penses of  the  society  were  met  were  to  be  handed  over  through 
the  Dairen  administration  to  the  Kuantung  government  in 
Port  Arthur.  Thus,  in  reality  the  opium  section  of  the  Kosai 
Zendo  has  come  to  have  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  the 
Kosai  Zendo  itself,  as  the  opium  section  was  now  controlled 
by  the  Japanese  administrators. 

“But  they  did  not  do  their  duty  properly  and  honestly.  One 
of  the  accused,  Mizuho  Esaki,  believing  that  there  were  plenty 
of  profits  to  be  realized  from  the  opium  deal,  consulted  with 
another  accused,  Sei  Kazui,  about  the  prospects.  The  third 
man,  Motosuke  Kanbara,  was  acquainted  with  affairs  of  the 
Kuantung  peninsula,  but  had  no  acquaintance  among  high 
government  officials  in  Kuantung  peninsula,  and  was  waiting 


30 


for  an  opportunity.  Then  came  the  fourth  man,  Yuko  Nakano, 
a close  friend  and  a sort  of  protege  of  Renzo  Koga,  former* 
chief  of  the  colonization  bureau.  Nakano  was  the  civil  ad- 
ministrator of  Tsingtao  before  and  was  later  shifted  to  Dairen 
as  the  civil  administrator  there.  Early  in  February,  1919,  be- 
fore he  went  to  Dairen,  he  came  to  Tokio.  Sei  Kazui  was 
known  to  Renzo  Koga,  the  fifth  man  accused.  Seeing  that 
Nakano  might  serve  his  purpose,  Kazui  consulted  Renzo  Koga 
about  securing  official  sales  of  opium  in  Dairen.  He  requested 
Koga  to  use  his  influence  to  see  that  Nakano  be  instructed 
to  permit  such  sales  to  himself.  Kanbara,  also  known  to 
Koga,  consulted  his  protege  about  the  same  thing.  Koga 
complied  with  their  requests.  Nakano  was  persuaded  by  Koga 
to  use  his  official  power  in  Dairen  to  accommodate  the  intend- 
ing opium  dealers. 

“As  soon  as  Nakano  went  to  Dairen  as  the  civil  administra- 
tor in  February,  1919,  he  conspired  with  Kazui,  Endo,  and 
Obata,  and  Esaka  was  called  upon  to  act  together  with  Kuni- 
yeda  to  engage  in  a joint  business  with  the  Chinese  dealers. 
The  clique  then  secured  opium  at  less  than  one-half  of  the 
regular  wholesale  prices.  From  June  26,  1919,  to  Septem- 
ber 29,  1920,  39  sales  were  made,  amounting  to  358  boxes, 
containing  a total  of  679  kuan,  besides  15  kuan  of  low  grade 
opium.  The  total  price  paid  was  Y. 920, 000  and  Y.200,000 
was  cleared  as  profits.  Of  this  balance,  Y. 140,000  was  carried 
by  Esaki  to  Tokio.  Out  of  this  latter  sum,  Y.50,000  was  given 
to  Ryokichi  Endo,  Diet  member  of  the  Seiyukai  party ; Y. 60, 000 
was  divided  between  Saburo  Kuniyeda  and  Esaki  himself. 

“Then  Koga,  Nakano,  Obata  and  Kanbara,  with  a similar 
method,  bought  in  21  instalments  785  kuan  of  opium  at  Y.280,- 
000,  and  sold  the  goods  at  Y. 610, 000,  obtaining  the  balance 
as  profits  to  themselves  of  Y. 320, 000.  Besides,  these  men  se- 
cured 313  kuan  of  Persian  opium  in  42  instalments  at  Y.790,- 
000  and  sold  the  goods  at  Y. 1,010, 000,  securing  the  profits  of 
Y.220,000.  The  two  amounts  of  profits  totalled  Y. 550,000. 
Of  this  total,  Kangara  obtained  80  per  cent  for  himself  and 
the  Chinese  20  per  cent. 

“A  number  of  other  big  sums  are  mentioned  in  the  docu- 
ments. The  total  loss  to  the  Kuantung  government  on  ac- 
count of  these  swindling  processes  was  estimated  by  the  pre- 
liminary court  at  Y. 950, 000. 

“Renzo  Koga's  alleged  crimes  cover  also  a blackmail.  Uhei 
Morishita  promised  to  make  a present  of  5,000  shares  of  the 


31 


Dairen  Produce  Exchange  Market  to  Koga,  then  chief  of 
colonization  bureau,  for  the  influence  the  chief  used  to  have 
the  market  permitted.  The  shares  were  not  forthcoming.  So 
Koga  instructed  his  own  son,  Kunio,  who  was  then  in  Dairen, 
to  demand  Y.100,000  from  Morishita,  to  which  the  latter  was 
obliged  to  agree/' 

3)  Comments  by  the  Kyoto  Shimpo. 

Mr.  Matsuji  Mureo,  editor  of  the  Kyoto  Shimpo,  summarizes 
the  case  in  these  words: 

“At  the  44th  session  of  the  Diet,  the  opposition  party  vig- 
orously attacked  the  government  on  the  opium  scandal  in 
Kuantung  which  involved  many  important  Japanese  officials 
in  the  territory. 

“The  city  government  of  Dairen  formed  as  the  headquar- 
ters for  selling  opium,  as  it  alone  had  the  power  to  issue  spe- 
cial permits  for  such  sales.  A tax  was  levied  on  these  permits. 
In  1917,  Y. 5, 510, 238  worth  of  opium  was  sold;  in  1918,  Y.5,- 
079,646 ; in  1919,  up  to  March  the  sum  already  reached  Y.700,- 
000.  Just  then,  the  Kenseikai  introduced  to  the；  Diet  a bill 
to  'regulate  the  sale  of  opium.’  It  was  then  estimated  that 
the  annual  sale  in  Kuantung  was  Y. 5, 000, 000,  and  all  the  taxes 
thereon  went  into  the  government  treasury  under  the  name 
of  miscellaneous  revenues. 

‘‘Opium  addicts  first  see  the  evil  affects  of  the  drug  by  losing 
appetite  in  food.  Gradually,  their  physical  strength  is  weak- 
ened, and  bodily  vigor  gives  away.  Nothing  is  more  tragic  in 
human  life  than  this. 

“The  census  reports  of  Kuantung  show  a total  of  691,482 
inhabitants  of  whom  78,987  are  Japanese,  540  Koreans,  234 
foreigners  and  the  remaining  611,730  Chinese.  The  majority 
of  Chinese  are  opium  smokers.  As  the  sale  is  done  in  utmost 
secrecy,  details  are  heretofore  unknown. 

“On  February  17,  1921,  the  Kokumin  party  argued  that 
the  government  should  not  levy  tax  on  opium.  Civil  admin- 
istration in  Kuantung  might  fail  on  account  of  this  tax,  and 
with  it  the  emigration  policies. 

“The  sale  of  opium  by  government  permission  is  not  only 
against  humanity  but  also  impairs  the  dignity  of  a civilized 
nation. 

“During  the  44th  session  of  the  Diet,  Baron  Fujimura  of 
the  Budget  Committee  in  the  House  of  Peers  proposes  ‘a  rigid 
restriction  of  opium  smuggling  by  government  permission/ 
This  bill  would  apply  to  opium  smuggling  in  Kuantung,  Shan- 


32 


tung,  Peking,  Tientsin,  Shanghai  and  Hankow.  He  insisted 
that  the  government  enforce  laws  against  opium  smuggling 
into  China  in  order  to  uphold  the  prestige  of  the  nation  and 
reputation  of  her  merchants. 

“In  Kuantung  and  in  other  Japanese  consular  jurisdictions, 
morphine  smuggling  by  government  permission  is  an  open  se- 
cret. Therefore,  the  Chinese  are  right  when  they  say  that 
Japan  is  demoralizing  permanently  their  people.  Opium 
smuggling  should  be  stopped  at  once  in  order  to  maintain 
mutual  good  feeling  between  Japan  and  China.”28 

4)  America’s  part  in  the  anti-opium  movement. 

It  is  a happy  remembrance  that  the  United  States  played 
an  important  role  in  warding  off  the  opium  curse  from  the 
teeming  millions  of  China.  The  Harrison  Drug  Act  of  1914 
virtually  ended  the  opium  traffic  in  China.  But  it  permitted 
opium  to  be  exported  from  United  States  to  countries  having 
laws  regulating  the  use  of  the  drug  and  its  derivatives.  As 
a result,  the  United  States  has  been  a medium  for  British  and 
Japanese  opium  smugglers. 

To  remedy  this  situation,  Senator  Wesley  L.  Jones,  of  Wash- 
ington, has  recently  proposed  a bill  in  the  Congress  with  the 
purpose  of  ‘‘preventing  other  countries  from  using  United 
States  as  means  of  shipping  opium  derivatives  to  China.” 

“England  has  a rather  severe  law  framed  after  an  agree- 
ment witli  China，”  declares  the  Senator,  “that  no  British  opium 
should  be  exported  into  China,  which  provides  that  opium  de- 
rivatives shall  not  be  shipped  in  British  ships  or  on  British- 
controlled  railroads,  except  in  such  amounts  as  are  needed 
for  medicinal  purposes. 

“The  British  manufacturers,  to  circumvent  this  regulation, 
have  adopted  the  practice  of  shipping  these  narcotics  through 
the  United  States  for  re-export  to  the  Orient.  They  are  using 
our  transportation  systems  to  do  a class  of  work  of  which  the 
Britishers  themselves  are  ashamed.  China  cured  itself  of 
opium  smoking.  It  is  now  threatened  by  a more  deadly  dan- 
ger— the  consumption  of  opium  derivatives  which  are  smug- 
gled into  China  from  Great  Britain,  the  United  States,  France 
and  Japan.  The  bill  is  designed  to  prevent  the  United  States 
from  being  used  as  a part  of  the  smuggling  machine,  and  to 
prevent  this  government  from  lending  itself  to  a crime  that 
cannot  end  otherwise  than  in  the  ultimate  destruction  of  the 
Chinese  people.” 

28  The  Unsettled  Manchuria  Problem  of  Today,  June,  1921， pp.  533-538.  ^ 


33 


5)  Opium  affects  Americans. 

A recent  report  of  a Treasury  Department  Commission 
shows  that  thousands  of  American  citizens  have  become  opium 
addicts,  among  whom  are  “schoolboys， schoolgirls,  doctors,  at- 
torneys, nurses,  bankers,  business  men,  army  men,  housewives, 
servants,  chauffeurs,  motormen,  engineers  and  women  of  high 
social  position.  Doctors  and  nurses  furnish  more  victims  pro- 
portionately than  any  other  class,  according  to  the  testimony 
of  their  responsible  representatives.  Sooner  or  later  the  ad- 
diction brings  the  most  complete  and  absolute  wrecking  of 
the  human  being  of  which  we  have  knowledge.  Thousands 
of  confirmed  addicts  in  the  United  States  are  already  past 
hope  of  cure.  A public  narcotic  clinic  was  carried  on  for 
several  months  in  New  York  City,  but  it  was  found  entirely 
inadequate  as  a method  of  coping  with  the  appalling  problem. 
Physicians  see  in  the  situation  the  gravest  possible  menace.” 

Importation  into  the  United  States  from  1910  to  1915  aver- 
aged 235  tons  of  opium  per  year,  an  average  of  36  grains  per 
capita  of  the  population  per  year.  This  is  13  to  72  times  the 
amount  consumed  by  other  nations  such  as  Austria,  Italy,  Ger- 
many, France  and  Holland,  not  taking  into  account  the  quan- 
tities brought  in  by  smuggling.  Even  this  frightful  quantity 
is  on  the  increase.  Importations  for  1919  being  365  tons,  ac- 
cording to  customs  reports.  This  is  all  rendered  into  morphine 
and  other  opium  derivatives  and  injected  into  the  world’s  ar- 
terial circulation. 


Some  conception  of  the  quantities  of  narcotics  going  from 
the  United  States  may  be  gained  from  figures  recently  secured 
from  the  official  records  of  New  York  customs  house,  which 
have  not  hitherto  been  available  for  publication.  They  ex- 
hibit exports  of  morphine  and  cocaine  from  the  Port  of  New 
York  alone  for  the  years  1918  and  1919  and  up  to  September, 
1920， as  follows: 

Narcotics  manufactured  in  and  shipped  from  New  York 
City: 


1918  morphine.  ••  12,304  oz. 

1919  morphine  … 33,696  oz. 

1920  end  Sept.  . . 61,175  oz. 


1918  cocaine.  . . . 43,521  oz. 

1919  cocaine •… 38,446  oz. 

1920  end  Sept.  . • 81,042  oz. 


Total 107,175  oz.  Total  163,009  oz. 

When  one  observes  that  in  three-quarters  of  the  present 
year  61,175  oz.  of  morphine  or  two  tons  were  contributed  by 


34 


this  one  port  and  that  much  larger  amounts  not  yet  ascer- 
tained were  sent  out  by  other  ports;  and  add  to  this  the  pro- 
digious amounts  shipped  through  this  country  by  the  short 
and  easy  methods  of  bonding  and  of  which  no  account  what- 
ever is  made  by  the  American  customs count  this  all  up  and 
the  estimate  of  28  tons  of  morphine  for  China  in  a single  year 
is  seen  to  be  an  entirely  reasonable  estimate— Far  Eastern 
Fortnightly. 

IV.  Lack  of  Justification. 

Japanese  emigrants  have  been  confronted  with  several 
obstacles.  Cold  regions  such  as  Saghalien  and  tropical  coun- 
tries such  as  Orange  Free  State  are  not  particularly  attrac- 
tive to  them  since  they  have  shown  small  capacity  to  acclima- 
tization. 

In  recent  years,  several  western  nations  have  passed  laws 
prohibiting  Japanese  immigration,  as  if  they  are  retaliating 
Japan’s  ancient  hostility  (in  1640)  to  immigrants  which  was 
couched  in  these  words : “So  long  as  the  sun  warms  the 
earth  any  Christian  bold  enough  to  come  to  Japan,  even  he  be 
King  Phillip  himself  or  the  God  of  Christians  shall  pay  for  it 
with  his  head.” 

In  force  of  these  circumstances,  the  Mikado’s  subjects  are 
following  the  line  of  least  resistance  by  emigrating  to  Man- 
churia, Mongolia,  Shantung  and  Fukien  where  climate  is  rela- 
tively more  agreeable  and  where  folkways  and  social  usages 
are  fundamentally  similar  to  their  own. 

But  what  is  their  ground  of  justification?  The  Japanese 
are  not  permitted  to  go  to  the  “white  men’s  lands •”  Why 
should  they  crowd  out  the  Chinese  in  order  that  they  might 
live?  Indeed,  why  should  the  Japanese  be  permitted  to  ex- 
pand at  the  expense  of  their  blood  cousins,  the  Chinese? 

1)  Agricultural  situation  in  Japan  and  China. 

Sixty-five  per  cent  of  the  Japanese  people  are  farmers  cul- 
tivating on  the  average  3 acres  of  land  per  person.  The  pro- 
duce of  each  cultivated  land  supports  four  persons.  But  the 
agricultural  situation  in  China  is  worse.  Seventy-eight  per 
cent  of  the  Chinese  population  is  engaged  in  agricultural  pur- 
suits. The  average  size  of  a farm  in  Central  China  is  only 
about  2 acres.  The  produce  of  each  tilled  land  has  to  sup- 
port five  persons.  In  China,  the  economic  law  of  diminishing 
returns  is  in  active  operation. 

2)  Manuchuria  and  Mongolia  as  outlets  for  Chinese  emi- 
grants. 


35 


Inter-provincial  migration  in  China  is  now  on  foot  to  allevi- 
ate the  pressure  of  population  in  congested  districts  and  to 
mitigate  poverty  and  misery.  Manchuria  and  Inner  Mongolia 
are  the  most  sparsely  populated  parts  of  China.  They  are 
natural  outlets  for  Chinese  emigrants  from  other  provinces. 
But  Japan  is  now  spreading  her  ‘‘culture，’  there  by  extending 
military  power,  by  undermining  Chinese  influence  and  by  pre- 
venting Chinese  exodus.  The  Japanese  are  depriving  the 
Chinese  of  their  livelihood.  How  can  they  be  justified? 

V.  Rejection  of  Fundamental  Remedies. 

1)  Economic  futility  of  emigration. 

Japan  has  adopted  mass  emigration  as  a principal  method 
of  averting  the  impending  danger  of  over-population.  But 
in  the  history  of  migrations,  emigration  has  never  appreciably 
relieved  economic  pressure  of  home  populations.  A rising 
birth  rate  usually  follows  a large  outflow  of  emigrants,  as  the 
British  emigration  during  the  time  of  Lord  Palmerton.  An 
“Intellectual  proletariat”  in  Germany  once  forced  the  grad- 
uates of  the  Charllotenburg  Polytechnik  (one  of  the  world’s 
finest  engineering  schools)  to  be  street  car  conductors.  Con- 
sequently, thousands  of  Germans  were  compelled  to  seek 
homes  overseas.  But  an  increase  of  births  in  the  German  Em- 
pire immediately  ensued. 

The  Irish  emigration  seems  to  be  an  exception  to  the  gen- 
eral rule,  as  certain  parts  of  Ireland  are  still  sparsely  popu- 
lated. But  this  is  due  to  severe  famines  in  recent  years  rather 
than  due  to  the  outflow  of  Irishmen  from  the  country. 

In  Japan,  the  birth  rate  has  been  steadily  rising.  In  1917, 
the  Island  Empire  recorded  a net  increase  from  births  of  315,- 
643  males  and  297,101  females,  surpassing  proportionately 
the  birth  statistics  of  all  European  nations  for  that  year,  ex- 
cept Hungary  and  Roumania.  Why,  then,  should  Japan  in- 
sist on  emigration  as  a means  of  relieving  the  population  pres- 
sure at  home? 

2)  Birth  control  to  check  over-population. 

A pragmatic  remedy  for  the  population  problem  is  found 
in  birth  control.  This  practice  recognizes  the  validity  of  the 
Malthusian  law  that  “population,  if  unchecked,  tends  to 
increase  faster  than  food  supply’’  and  seeks  an  adequate 
remedy.  Human  propagation  is  unlimited,  but  arable  land 
of  the  earth  is  limited.  G.  H.  Knibbs,  statistician  of  Australia, 
has  estimated  that  if  the  present  rate  of  increase  in  popula- 


36 


tions  should  persist,  the  world’s  supply  of  food  would  be  ex- 
hausted in  496  years.29 

Japan’s  population  is  taxing  the  very  limits  of  her  food 
supply.  Six  millions  of  her  people  have  to  purchase  rice,  their 
staple  food,  from  imports  of  China,  British  India  and  French 
Indo-China.  Dry  farming  is  practically  unknown  in  Japan. 
Mountain  terraces  which  are  extensively  cultivated  in  China 
and  the  Philippines,  are  laying  in  waste  in  Japan.  Through- 
out the  Empire,  only  15,000,000  acres  of  land  are  now  under 
cultivation.  Owing  to  deep-rooted  Japanese  folkways  and 
mores,  the  crown  lands  may  never  be  opened  for  agricultural 
purposes  by  the  masses. 

What  should  Japan  do?  The  futility  of  emigration  as  a so- 
lution of  her  population  problem  is  above  sketched.  Birth 
control  seems  to  be  necessary.  By  this  method  a differential 
birth  rate  may  be  worked  out  whereby  sizes  of  families  may 
be  in  accordance  with  family  incomes.  In  other  words,  the 
larger  the  family  income  the  larger  should  be  the  family. 
There  will  be  a direct  correlation  between  socio-economic 
status  of  the  family  and  the  number  of  its  children.  This  can 
only  be  secured  by  a volitional  limitation  of  offspring,  as  it 
gives  parents  the  power  of  controlling  reproduction. 

Today,  in  Japan  as  in  many  another  country,  the  situation 
is  just  the  reverse.  Higher  social  classes  have  small  families 
and  the  wage  earners  have  relatively  larger  ones.  This  serious 
social  problem  of  modernized  Japan  has  not  been  solved  by  a 
mass  emigration  as  above  shown,  since  Japanese  wage  earners 
cannot  compete  successfully  with  Chinese  workers  on  account 
of  a lower  plane  of  living  of  the  latter. 

Yet  Japanese  statesmen,  like  Frederick  the  Great  of  Prus- 
sia, persist  in  encouraging  large  families  in  order  to  maintain 
a large  army  and  navy.  The  official  Japan  is  unequivocally 
against  birth  control.  Says  K.  K.  Kawakami : “She  has  not 
yet  produced — she  does  not  care  to  produce — Margaret  Sang- 
ers,  preaching  birth  control  in  the  salons  of  idle  society  women. 
Indeed,  if  the  present  order  of  world  conditions  is  to  persist, 
it  is  open  to  question  whether  any  nation  will  be  wise  in  al- 
lowing restrictions  of  the  birth  rate  which  will  inevitably  les- 
sen the  number  of  men  available  for  the  defense  of  its  ex- 
istence.,,30 


29  Census  of  Commonwealth  of  Australia,  1911,  Appendix  A. 

30  Yale  Rev.  vol.  8 (1)  N.  S.  p.  63. 


37 


3)  Industrialization  to  solve  Japan’s  population  problem. 

Japan’s  ultimate  solution  and  salvation  lies  in  industrializa- 
tion whereby  the  plane  of  living  among  wage  earners  may  be 
materially  raised,  economic  wealth  and  production  increased 
and  national  catastrophies  averted. 

Food  supply  of  a nation  may  be  increased  in  two  principal 
ways : by  an  extension  of  land  supply  and  by  scientific  dis- 
coveries in  agriculture.  The  more  land  is  opened  for  cultiva- 
tion, the  more  food  the  country  produces.  But  a limit  may 
soon  be  reached  where  fertile  lands  will  all  be  used  up,  and 
an  intensive  cultivation  on  these  lands  may  assure  an  active 
operation  of  the  law  of  diminishing  returns.  Then  the  second 
alternative  must  come  to  the  rescue.  A new  mechanical  de- 
vice or  invention  may  materially  increase  the  produce  of  a 
cultivated  acre  and,  thus  defer  the  operation  of  the  law  of 
diminishing  returns.  It  is  quite  conceivable  that  in  a nation 
of  genuises  the  operation  of  this  law  may  be  indefinitely 
deferred. 

This  is  applicable  to  industries  in  general.  When  a nation 
lives  on  imports  of  various  commodities,  its  people  will  suffer 
economically  by  constant  exports  of  gold.  But  when  the 
country  is  industrialized,  it  can  maintain  an  economic  balance 
in  international  trade  and  also  meet  the  demands  of  its  own 
people.  In  addition,  it  can  increase  productivity  to  raise  ap- 
preciably the  plane  of  living  of  working  classes. 

Industries  in  Japan  are  developing  at  a rapid  rate.  Since 
the  war,  300  narikin  or  mushroom  millionaires  have  been  cre- 
ated, and  117  large-scale  industries  have  been  developed.  The 
circulation  of  bank  notes  in  the  Japanese  market  has  been 
quintupled.  Taking  1900  as  the  base  year,  wholesale  prices 
have  been  increased  298  % in  January,  1920,  though  they 
are  now  showing  a downward  trend.  Wages  have  been  keep- 
ing pace  with  the  prices.  Thus,  up  to  1915  wages  were  49% 
and  prices  only  25%  higher  than  those  of  1900.  Though  in  re- 
cent years  prices  have  increased  faster  than  wages,  still  labor 
conditions  in  Japan  are  more  favorable  than  in  any  other  Ori- 
ental country. 

Evidently,  in  industrialization  lies  the  fundamental  solution 
of  Japan's  population  problem. 

VI.  New  Tendencies  of  Japanese  Emigration. 

1)  Japanese  emigrants  in  other  countries. 

In  the  “Nihon  Imin  Ron”  (The  Japanese  Emigration  Prob- 
lem) R.  Ogawahira  has  given  a retrospect  as  well  as  an  out- 


38 


look  of  Japanese  emigration.  For  the  last  50  years,  Japanese 
colonization  is  a colossal  economic  failure.  The  Mikado’s 
colonizers  in  various  countries  have  hardly  exceeded  three 
millions,  of  which  two  millions  are  in  Hokkaido  and  the  re- 
maining are  distributed  as  follows: 

Korea,  300,000 ; Manchuria,  160,000 ; Hawaii,  80,000 ; For- 
mosa, 100,000 ; and  Continental  U.  S.,  70,000,  etc. 

2)  South  America  a new  outlet. 

New  outlets  have  recently  been  found  for  Japan’s  surplus 
population.  During  the  world  war,  coffee  and  sugar  planta- 
tions in  South  America,  particularly  in  Chile  and  Brazil,  have 
been  in  urgent  need  of  Japanese  laborers. 

Three  largest  emigration  companies  in  Japan,  namely,  the 
Morioka  Emigration  Company,  the  Toyo  Imin  Goshi  Kaisha 
and  the  Nanbei,  are  attracting  Japanese  farmers  to  South 
America.  They  have  agencies  in  the  principal  cities  of  each 
province,  especially  in  Hiroshima,  Kynshu  and  Fukushima 
which  are  noted  for  sending  out  emigrants  to  various  countries. 
Inquiries  are  answered,  bulletins  posted  and  speeches  on  South 
America  are  made  in  villages  that  seem  promising  fields  for 
recruits. 

3)  Okuma  on  South  America. 

In  South  America,  Brazil  is  indeed  a new  Promised  Land 
of  the  Japanese  emigrants  as  it  has  a density  of  only  six  per- 
sons as  against  356  per  square  miles  in  Japan.  Writing  in  the 
Chuo  Koron,  Okuma  said  recently:  “As  to  the  countries  to 
be  selected,  I am  in  favor  of  South  America,  where  the  Jap- 
anese are  welcomed,  where  the  soil  is  rich,  and  many  of  the 
customs  of  the  people  resemble  ours.  There  is  plenty  of  room 
for  millions  of  Japanese  in  that  part  of  the  world.”  To  give 
the  emigrant  an  adequate  educational  equipment,  the  Yoko- 
hama Training  School,  supported  by  the  Japan  Emigration 
Society,  is  rendering  its  most  valuable  service  to  the  emigrants. 

The  Brazilian  Government  is  co-operating  with  the  Japa- 
nese Emigration  Companies,  the  Japanese  Government  with 
the  emigrants,  and  the  steamship  companies  with  both  gov- 
ernments and  emigration  companies,  in  a concentrated  effort 
to  stimulate  colonization.  The  Japanese  Government  is  of- 
fering each  of  the  emigrants  leaving  for  Brazil  a bonus  of  80 
yen  as  an  incentive  toward  emigration. 

4)  Japan’s  emigration  to  Peru  and  Chile. 

The  Toyo  Risen  Kaisha  service  to  Peru  and  Chile  has  been 
heavily  subsidized  since  1908.  Recently,  the  company  has 


39 


further  augmented  its  services  by  three  new  ships  touching  at 
Hongkong,  Coronel,  Chile  and  the  west  coast  of  South  Amer- 
ica. Before  the  war,  there  were  no  regular  schedules  for  the 
steamers  from  Japan  to  South  America ; now  there  is  a monthly 
service  with  steamers  of  a tonnage  from  15,000  to  20,000  tons. 
The  Osaka  Shosen  Kaisha  has  also  a new  line  between  Japan 
and  Brazil  and  Argentina  via  Cape  Town. 

5)  Japan’s  emigration  to  Brazil. 

The  Sao  Paulo  State  Government  of  Brazil  recently  entered 
into  a contract  with  the  three  authorized  Japanese  emigration 
companies  to  be  supplied  with  10,000  emigrants  annually.  In 
return  Sao  Paulo  puts  the  Japanese  emigrant  on  the  same 
footing  with  a European  laborer  with  power  to  lease  or  own 
land;  offers  free  railway  passes  through  the  state ; the  priv- 
ilege of  being  quartered  at  the  government  emigration  board- 
ing houses;  and  partly  paid  passage  to  Japan.  These  terms, 
with  the  land  ownership  privilege,  are  much  more  generous 
than  those  obtained  by  the  Brazilian  Colonization  Company 
which  was  founded  in  1912  by  Prince  Katsura,  Baron  Shi- 
busawa  and  others  with  a capital  of  a million  yen.  At  that 
time,  they  had  to  be  content  with  12,500  acres  of  land,  and 
were  obliged  to  bring  2,000  families  to  the  colony  within  5 
years  of  signing  the  contract. 

The  Brazil  Colonizing  Company  is  looking  for  able  bodied 
men  between  20  and  45,  preferable  with  children,  all  of  whom 
must  be  over  12.  The  company  gives  the  colonizers  20  cho 
of  land,  which  they  can  pay  in  easy  instalments,  and  advance 
passage  and  other  money,  lends  farming  inplements,  provides 
medical  care,  and  has  even  built  a rice  factory. 

The  Morioka  Emigration  Company  sends  contract  labor  to 
Peru.  The  Peruvian  Sugar  Company,  Ltd.,  with  its  main 
office  in  London  and  a branch  in  Lima,  pays  wages  of  one  yen 
and  twenty  sen  a day,  the  women  receiving  the  same  wages 
as  men.  When  the  laborer  has  worked  500  days,  he  gets  a 
bonus  of  50  yen.  The  hours  are  10  in  the  field  and  12  in  the 
factory,  with  Sundays  off  and  numerous  holidays.31 

South  America,  not  China,  offers  Japan  an  outlet  for  her 
surplus  population. 

VII.  Economic  Imperialism. 

1)  Recent  acquisitions  of  Japan. 

Japanese  colonization  aims  more  at  acquiring  raw  materials, 


Asia,  vol.  17,  pp.  722-728. 


40 


minerals  and  economic  privileges,  than  the  mere  outlets  for 
her  surplus  population.  Before  the  World  War,  the  German 
Potash  Trust,  with  the  aid  of  the  Starssfurt  and  Alastian  pot- 
ash deposits,  monopolized  potash  exports  to  Japan.  The  out- 
break of  hostilities  in  Europe  cut  off  the  German  supply  of 
potash  for  Japanese  markets.  The  Island  Empire  was  there- 
fore anxious  to  acquire  Marshall  Islands  in  order  to  get  enough 
potash  as  fertilizers  for  her  rice  fields. 

The  Caroline  Islands  which  consist  of  about  500  coral  islets 
are  rich  for  phosphate  deposits,  especially  in  the  island  of 
Yap.  Besides,  they  produce  cocoanuts,  white  yams,  potatoes, 
bread  fruit  and  other  tropical  fruits.  All  are  useful  for  Jap- 
anese traders. 

Japan’s  dominance  in  the  Han  Yeh  Ping  Iron  Works,  a 
Sino-Japanese  corporation  in  Hupeh  province,  gives  her  un- 
rivalled privileges  of  acquiring  iron  and  steel  from  China. 
Japan  is  now  monopolizing  the  export  of  soya  beans,  wheat 
and  bean  cakes  in  Manchuria.  Six  large  coal  mines  in  Shan- 
tung, now  being  worked  by  the  Japanese,  are  supplying  the 
daily  needs  of  factories  in  Kobe  and  Osaka. 

Japanese  colonizers  scramble  for  economic  privileges  and 
rights  wherever  they  go.  In  this  respect,  they  have  amply 
caught  the  spirit  of  modern  capitalistic  imperialism.  Char- 
acterizing Japan’s  desires  for  economic  expansion,  Dr.  Ernest 
Griinfeld  says;  “Man  wusste  bereits,  dass  nicht  jeder,  der 
sein  Vaterland  verlasst,  um  auf  unbestimmte  Zeit,  ja  auf 
immer  in  die  feme  zu  ziehen,  ein  bemitleidenswerter  Fliich- 
tling,  ein  verachlicher  Abenteuerer  oder  ein  bedauernswertes 
Opfer  von  Agenten  und  Rhedern  ist,  dass  Auswanderung  nicht 
nur  einen  Verlust  an  Soldaten,  Arbeitern  und  Capital  bedeutet, 
sondern  der  Ausbreitung  des  eignen  Volkstums,  des  Handels 
und  der  SchifFahrt  Anssichten  eroffnet,  ja  in  letzter  Zeit  sogar 
zu  einer  Quelle  reichlicher  Geldsungen  aus  dem  Ausland 
geworden  ist,  die  fiir  kapitalarme  Lander  eine  grosse  Role 
Spielen.”32 

2)  Emancipation  of  Asia 

Today,  the  emigration  problem  has  further  intensified  the 
clash  between  “humanite  du  pain”  and  “humanite  du  riz.” 
Faced  with  an  economic  necessity,  bread  must  be  won  at  the 
sacrifice  of  rights.  Japan  is  carrying  on  this  struggle  in  the 
name  of  an  economic  emancipation  for  all  Asia.  “Five  hun- 


Die  Japanische  Auswanderung,  p.  8. 


41 


dred  and  ninety-seven  million  colored  peoples  are  now  under 
the  rules  of  the  whites,”  declares  Dr.  Masao  Matsuka.  “Since 
Asia  constitutes  33%  of  the  land  area  of  the  earth,  and  since 
several  peoples  of  the  continent  are  undergoing  an  industrial 
evolution,  economic  emancipation  for  them  is  a necessity.”83 

VIII.  Conclusions. 

The  above  expose  of  Japanese  secret  documents  and  con- 
fidential reports  reveals  in  a general  way  the  hidden  motives 
of  Japanese  emigration  to  China.  Military  and  territorial  con- 
siderations predominate  socio-economic  improvements  of  the 
Mikado’s  subjects.  A.  Morgan  Young,  editor  of  the  Japan 
Chronicle,  sees  the  situation  clearly  when  he  says  that  “the 
Japanese  population  on  the  (Asiatic)  mainland  remains  in- 
tensively Japanese.  It  is  the  militaristic  ideal,  and  even  a 
cultural  ideal,  to  have  a great  Japanese  Empire  in  Eastern 
Asia  of  which  the  islands  constituting  Japan  proper  shall  be 
only  an  outpost.  The  Japanese  showed  a perfect  willingness 
to  die  in  Manchuria.  They  have  yet  to  show  a willingness 
to  live  there.’’3* 

Japanese  emigrants  are  carrying  their  “culture”  to  their 
new  homes  in  three  principal  ways : by  force  of  arms,  by  an 
elimination  of  native  participation  in  industries  through  under- 
handed methods  and  by  an  extension  of  consular  jurisdiction. 

Economic  aspects  of  Japanese  emigration  have  not  been 
hopeful.  On  the  other  hand,  their  demoralizing  influence 
upon  Chinese  communities  is  immense.  Says  Matsuji  Mureo, 
editor  of  the  Ryoto  Shimpo : “A  successful  emigration  will 
assure  Japan’s  economic  independence,  and  national  safety 
and  glory.  But  since  the  South  Manchuria  question  and 
the  Port  Arthur  opium  scandal,  the  Japanese  government 
was  severely  attacked  by  the  opposition  party  in  the  House 
of  Commons.  Our  colonization  of  seventeen  years  in 
Manchuria  has  resulted  in  a complete  failure.  Our  gov- 
ernment is  now  awakened  to  this  overwhelming  defeat, 
and  the  whole  world,  knows  the  ill-reputable  acts  of 
Japan  in  that  territory.”35 

While  China  is  more  crowded  than  Japan,  South  America 
opens  new  outlets  for  the  Mikado’s  colonizers.  In  this  direc- 
tion lies  a true  hope  for  solving  the  surplus  population  prob- 
lem of  Japan.  South  America  and  the  Island  Empire  will  be 


33  My  View  of  the  Emigration  Problem,  Sept.,  1921,  pp.  30-31. 

34  August  20,  1920. 

35  The  Unsettled  Manchuria  Question  of  Today,  p.  29. 


42 


mutually  benefited  by  this  emigration.  In  this  economic  ex- 
pansion, the  East  shall  eventually  meet  the  West: 

“Le  temps  n’est  plus  on  FEuropeen  se  plaignait  de  l’isole- 
ment  des  Chinois,  des  Japonais  et  des  Coreens,  de  leur  entet- 
ment  a fermer  les  frontiers — Les  roles  sont  reverses ; c，est  le 
monde  jaune  qui  cherche  a empieter  sur  les  terres  d’autrui  et 
c’est  le  tour  des  Occidentaux  de  defendre  leurs  territoires.，，36 


Americains  et  Japonais,  Louis  Aubert. 


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